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May 30, 2008

Just one more thing about Catholic voters!

In an addendum to yesterday's Wall Street Journal article about conservative Catholics being swing voters in '08, FoFPL and Catholics United exec. director Chris Korzen stopped by the Huffington Post to remind us of something the media had long forgotten: conservative Catholics have always been in play:

Contrary to popular belief, Bush didn't win Catholics in 2004 because of his positions on life and marriage. He won because of the Kerry campaign's inability to articulate a coherent message to Catholic swing voters, and because of an astoundingly sophisticated media and grassroots operation on the part of the Republican Party and allied "Catholic" organizations. As the party worked the phones and the doors, Catholic League president Donohue peppered Kerry with holier-than-thou invective (a cursory look at the Catholic League's 2004 press release headlines dispels any lingering doubt that the organization has become a front for the GOP), and an obscure group called Catholic Answers somehow found the money to distribute millions voting guides and full page USA Today ads advancing the manufactured theological notion that five "non-negotiable issues" trumped all the others at the polls.

The issues? Abortion, same-sex marriage, stem cell research, human cloning, and euthanasia. Never mind war, poverty, the death penalty, or that whole loving your neighbor thing. Of course, none of these groups have any formal authority to speak on behalf of the Church institution - which, by the way, refused to endorse the right's message. But - with the help of a small handful of renegade or perhaps unsuspecting bishops - these partisan operatives nonetheless managed to fool a sizable bloc of Catholics into thinking that a vote for Kerry meant certain eternal damnation.

A deathbed confession

I wasn't expecting a faith angle to emerge on the Scott McClellan tell-all, but sure as the sun rises, here 'tis:

CBNNews.com - Former White House spokesman Scott McClellan says his Christian faith motivated him to learn from his mistakes and to write his controversial book about his days as press secretary.

May 28, 2008

Catholics in play in November

Via Mark Silk at Spiritual Politics, the AP reports that Catholic voters are evenly split between Obama and McCain:

Polls this month show the Illinois senator leading McCain among women, running even with him among Catholics and suburbanites and trailing him with people over age 65. Results vary by poll for those without college degrees. And though Obama trails decisively with a group that has shunned him against Clinton — whites who have not completed college — he's doing about the same with them as the past two Democratic presidential candidates.

The story doesn't point to any particular poll, but taking it at face value it suggests that the Catholic vote has staying power as one of the top storylines heading toward November. Place your bets!

Religion, Politics and the End of the World

Sam Harris and Chris Hedges engage in a debate over the role that religion and politics play in faith-based extremism.

May 27, 2008

Buddhist theology and activism in America

Stories of Buddhist leaders standing for justice usually take place in Tibet or Myanmar (Burma), but American Buddhists have been speaking out on issues ranging from Iraq to criminal justice.

Over at Progressive & Religious, Robby Jones has a podcast interview with just such an activist -- Hozan Alan Senauke, program director of the Buddhist Peace Fellowship.

From the transcript:

To me the Buddhist precepts, they boil down to not living your life at the expense of other beings, so that means really looking at - in our meal chant we say innumerable labors have brought us this food, we should know how it comes to us. And when we know how it comes to us, we have the beginnings of a sense of responsibility. And this is very difficult to sustain in America.

Good people - anyone can be a good person, but do you want to live at the expense of the person in
Bangladesh or Pakistan who’s making your shirt or the oil rig worker in Nigeria, the agricultural
worker in the Central Valley who is being hounded by the INS? Do you want to live that way? Until
we address those questions, I don’t think we’ll have a truly progressive religious movement or truly
progressive movement.

Click here to listen in entirety.

May 26, 2008

Clinton's Sunday Taste of Victory (Church)

The Times' Caucus blog reports:

Mrs. Clinton’s choice of a place of worship Sunday morning surprised some Puerto Ricans, and has been discussed on local radio. On an island that is predominantly Roman Catholic, she ended up going to the Pavilion of Victory, an evangelical church in Hormigueros, in the southwest corner of the island.

Among those Protestant strivers, who had been worked into a state of enthusiasm by an hour of singing and dancing to rock and salsa-flavored hymns before her arrival, Mrs. Clinton obviously felt at home. She talked, in English and mostly without translation, not only of her political program, but also of her faith, and in terms that seemed to refer to her uphill struggle and recent difficulties.

She urged the congregation, for example, not to be “deterred by the setbacks that often fall into every life” and also said: “Do not fear to go forward, do not give up.”

“There isn’t anything we can’t do together if we seek God’s blessing and if we stay committed and are not deterred by the setbacks that often fall in every life.”

She added, “If I had listened to those who have been talking over the last few months, we would not be having this campaign in Puerto Rico today.”

A sign of changing religio-ethnic demographics? Check out the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference on CNN.

May 23, 2008

Catholics Organize in Alabama

Fielding A Moral Dilemma: Jewish Values and the 2008 Farm Bill

From FoFPL Melissa Boteach at Jewish Council for Public Affairs:

Last week, both the House and Senate passed the 2008 Farm Bill by veto-proof majorities. Although a procedural kink will delay votes to override the President’s veto until early June, passage seems within reach for a bill that has caused anti-hunger advocates their share of headaches over the past year-and-a-half.

However, apart from legislation-induced migraines, domestic anti-hunger advocates have much to smile about. After 18 months of organizing, advocating and mobilizing on behalf of nutrition programs, the bill that passed both chambers last week includes a robust nutrition title with significant improvements to Food Stamp funding and access, emergency food assistance, and other anti-hunger programs.

The Farm Bill is admittedly imperfect. At a time when food prices are skyrocketing, it continues a system of payments to American farmers that distort world trade, contribute to global poverty, and frankly, just don’t make much policy sense. In a year that many faith advocates hoped would be a turning point in reforming our nation’s agriculture policy, the Farm Bill’s commodity subsidies did not undergo substantial change.

The same, however, cannot be said of the Jewish community. The activism on behalf of the 2008 Farm Bill can be seen as a transformative moment in Jewish communal efforts on hunger and poverty, a spark that kicked into gear a powerful movement to “Speak up, judge righteously, champion the poor and the needy” (Proverbs 31:9).

In a year when critics are slamming the Farm Bill for its deference to corporate special interests, little has been written of the massive grassroots mobilization effort by the Jewish community to advocate, agitate and educate on the inadequacy of the Food Stamp Benefit and the need for increased emergency food assistance.

Last September, The Jewish Council for Public Affairs led hundreds of Jews in over 30 communities nationwide in taking the “Food Stamp Challenge”, where participants lived on $1/meal for a week to show the inadequacy of the Food Stamp program and prove the nutritional deficiencies of such a diet. Jewish agencies and communities built interfaith coalitions and recruited faith, civic and political leaders to take the Food Stamp Challenge with them. We were joined by four members of Congress from different faiths, including Representatives Keith Ellison, Raul Grijalva, Chris Van Hollen and Jim Cooper. Participants forged new partnerships and created new mobilizing structures that ultimately secured the strongest possible nutrition title in a tight budget year.

Many of our friends in the faith community could not join us in supporting this bill. I agree that more could have been done to reform subsidies to large farming interests that constitute a hefty part of the Farm Bill’s spending, and I am certainly not writing to issue a blanket endorsement of every provision in the bill. However, I respectfully depart from many of my colleagues on the need to speak out in favor of the bill, despite its flaws.

When 73 percent of the bill’s total funding and almost all of the new money invested in the legislation is directed toward nutrition programs, I must conclude that the benefits in this complex and morally awkward legislation far outweigh the costs.

McCain Disfellowships Pastors

This evening, Sen. McCain has also dumped Ohio's Hot Rod Parsley.

Dan Gilgoff, whose God-o-meter puts McCain one spot away from a secularist, helps to explain some of these pastor problems.

For McCain, the most glaring example of his unwillingness to treat religious outreach seriously is that his campaign still lacks a fulltime religious outreach director. Bush had a handful of such strategists aboard his 2000 and 2004 campaigns, including such talented figures as former Christian Coalition executive director Ralph Reed. Both Obama and Clinton hired fulltime religious outreach directors as soon as they launched their campaigns early last year, and have filled out their faith-based teams with more personnel since then.

It appears the the same person vetting McCain's lobbyist advisers may also be moonlighting in religious outreach.

May 22, 2008

Flip on Catholics, Flop on Jews: The Religious Right's Hagee Men

Last week, scrubbing away under the political pressure, Bill Donohue followed the need of McCain and absolved anti-Catholic John Hagee for his whore of Babylon language.

Now, with Talk to Action's release of new audio evidence that Hagee also thinks that God led Hitler to kill Jews for the good of apocalyptic theology, McCain has denounced his Hagee man, but Donohue seems stuck between his flip and his flop. Does he stick with his new pal who was anti-Catholic last week, or stand up for serious Catholic theology which finds no room for arguments that God had six million Jews killed in order "to hunt" the rest to Israel to set the Rapture stage?

Thus far, Donohue has released a statement sticking with his first flip to Hagee calling him sincere, friendly and "a genuine friend to Israel." With friends who sing and pray for the destruction of Jerusalem, who needs to listen to actual Jews? Say like president of the Union for Reform Judaism, Rabbi Eric Yoffie (back on May 15):


“Christian Zionists, and especially Christians United for Israel, do not offer unconditional support for the Jewish state. They offer support for a particular religious vision, particular Israeli leaders, and particular political factions, all of which reflect their own prophecy-driven view of the Middle East,” Yoffie said in an April speech, calling Hagee and his group “extremists.”

Yoffie thinks that Hagee “is not the kind of friend that Israel needs,” said spokesman Donald Cohen-Cutler.

Now, what will McCain do about his other pastor problem, the Ohio Hot Rod?

Central CA Muslim Integrates Local Day of Prayer

Plans by some conservative Christians in Fresno to organize another "Christian-only" National Day of Prayer service at Fresno City Hall were thwarted when members of the Interfaith Alliance of Central California showed up holding signs saying One Nation/Many Faiths. For the first time in 16 years - in this 54 sec video, Kamal Abu-Shamsieh, director of the Islamic Cultural Center of Fresno, graciously integrates the day of prayer.

McCain Rejects Hagee

John McCain has finally rejected the endorsement of John Hagee. (J Street's action alert calling on McCain to reject Hagee was picked up by Moveon.org today, in a great example of religious-secular teamwork.) Since the day of the endorsement, and for some of us before that, we've known that Hagee is a hatemoger. It's a shame that McCain courted him in the first place, but the Senator did the right thing in rejecting the pastor.

Video | Rev. Paul Rauschenbusch on 'Christianity and the Social Crisis in the 21st Century'

First published in 1907, Walter Rauschenbusch's Christianity and the Social Crisis became one of the most influential religious documents of the 20th century, in inspiring leaders such as Martin Luther King, Jr., Mahatma Gandhi, Reinhold Niebuhr and Desmond Tutu towards promoting social justice. On the 100th anniversary of the publication of this seminal work, Rauschenbusch's great-grandson has released an updated version that includes new commentary by leading social justice thinkers of our time.

Rev. Paul Rauschenbusch, a pastor and social justice advocate, has been touring the country and has an important perspective on the state of inequality in America and the role of faith in the 2008 Presidential campaign.

May 21, 2008

My Day on Capitol Hill: A Religious Response to Global Warming

Last week, about forty lay and clergy members of Interfaith Power and Light met with Senators, Representatives and their environmental legislative directors to call for rapid and equitable action on climate change.

In the House, we asked that members sign on to a global warming principles letter circulated by Reps. Waxman (D-CA), Markey (D-MA) and Inslee (D-WA).

The principles include the following elements:

strong science-based targets for near-term and long-term emissions reductions; auctioning emissions allowances rather than giving them to polluting industries; investing auction revenues in clean energy technologies; returning auction proceeds to consumers, workers, and communities to offset any economic impacts; and dedicating a portion of auction proceeds to help states, communities, vulnerable developing countries, and ecosystems address harm from the degree of global warming that is now unavoidable.
In the Senate, we pressed for the strengthening of the Lieberman-Warner Climate Security Act of 2008 in three areas:
1. Bill fails to cut emissions 80% by 2050, which is the minimum emissions reduction necessary according to science. In addition, the bill fails to mandate that the EPA take action if science evolves to show further action is required. We want the bill to be science-based. Members of Congress need to build in a mechanism to adjust the bill's current emissions reduction target if the science shows it is needed.

2. Right now, the bill takes a piece-meal approach to transitioning low-income Americans. We think the bill should fully address the cost to low-income Americans

3. The bill currently gives hundreds of billions of dollars to emitters for free which will take vital resources away from the transition to a clean energy economy. We think 100% of allowances should be auctioned and that the revenue should be used for public purposes, particularly for getting us off our dependence on foreign and fossil sources of fuel.

I had the opportunity to meet with Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI). We actually ran into the very tall Senator on the way to his office. He swiftly rounded a corner (wearing hip, black Puma sneakers) and almost stumbled into my boss, the Rev. Canon Sally Bingham. He led us back into his office and for the next thirty minutes listened to his Rhode Island constituents – two pastors - and shared his cap-and-auction fairness ideals, as well as the pragmatic realities of passing global warming legislation this year (no hope, thanks to Sen. Inhofe and President Bush, but still strategically important to push now to lay the groundwork for 2009).

Additionally, I met with staffers for Reps. Henry Waxman, Brian Bilbray (R-CA) - his staffer was confused about the science, Barbara Lee (D-CA) - she speaks for me from Berkeley, and finally Dennis Cardoza (D-CA), a Blue Dog who clearly listens to his church-going constituents.

At the end of the day, our group reconvened and told their lobbying stories. Our director in Tennessee met with the offices of both of his Senators and about three Congress members, with two more scheduled for the next day.

In all, our folks got out the message that America’s faith community cares deeply about global warming and expects our political leaders to help us cut carbon emissions. We picked up contact information and it looks like lots of district meetings will happen before November.

(left: Jessica Brown, the Rev. Dr. Michael Reid, Alex Carpenter - pictures by Gretchen Rust)

May 20, 2008

Jeff Sharlet | Is Biblical Capitalism an Oxymoron?

Will Wilkinson of The Cato Institute, talks about Jeff Sharlet's (NYU's Center for Religion and Media) book on The Family and the global impact of Christian Right free market manipulation.

On Senator Kennedy

Read David Kuo's touching blog post about brain cancer and the Senator from Massachusetts.

A taste:

This is not a time to get weepy or maudlin about Sen. Kennedy. He really has just begun to fight. I know what I'm talking about.

Five years ago, in the earliest hours of Palm Sunday morning, a doctor informed me that I had a malignant brain tumor. When I asked him how much time I had he said maybe weeks or months... with luck and drugs, maybe longer.

"Use abortion and parochial-school aid to deepen the split between Catholics and social liberals"

Here's pretty damning evidence that the simplistic Right/Left polarization of the last generation was driven by Nixon-bred conservatives. According to another person from the inside, namely Pat Buchanan, the politicization of complicated moral issues was exploited for cheap electoral gain. In the May 26 New Yorker article,
The Fall of Conservatism, George Packer writes:

[Pat] Buchanan gave me a copy of a seven-page confidential memorandum—“A little raw for today,” he warned—that he had written for Nixon in 1971, under the heading “Dividing the Democrats.” Drawn up with an acute understanding of the fragilities and fault lines in “the Old Roosevelt Coalition,” it recommended that the White House “exacerbate the ideological division” between the Old and New Left by praising Democrats who supported any of Nixon’s policies; highlight “the elitism and quasi-anti-Americanism of the National Democratic Party”; nominate for the Supreme Court a Southern strict constructionist who would divide Democrats regionally; use abortion and parochial-school aid to deepen the split between Catholics and social liberals; elicit white working-class support with tax relief and denunciations of welfare. Finally, the memo recommended exploiting racial tensions among Democrats. “Bumper stickers calling for black Presidential and especially Vice-Presidential candidates should be spread out in the ghettoes of the country,” Buchanan wrote. “We should do what is within our power to have a black nominated for Number Two, at least at the Democratic National Convention.” Such gambits, he added, could “cut the Democratic Party and country in half; my view is that we would have far the larger half.”

The Nixon White House didn’t enact all of these recommendations, but it would be hard to find a more succinct and unapologetic blueprint for Republican success in the conservative era. “Positive polarization” helped the Republicans win one election after another—and insured that American politics would be an ugly, unredeemed business for decades to come.

May 19, 2008

Meet the Press: Discussion of Obama's Outreach to Christians

How does Sen. Obama's Christian outreach compares to other candidates? Remember the cross in Gov. Huckabee's campaign ad? Is it ok for Obama to use crosses in his advertising in Kentucky?

A discussion with the DLC's Harold Ford, Jr., former GOP presidential candidate Mike Huckabee, GOP strategist Mike Murphy, and Democratic strategist Bob Shrum.

The Fall of the House of Dobson and Rise of Progressive Faith

Over at Religion Dispatches, our friend Robby Jones has a terrific essay about the concurrent rise of progressive religious leaders and decline of the old religious right. (Seriously, I'm not just saying that because he has nice things to say about FPL.)

Walking us through some of the key examples, he takes us from the religious gridiron of Ohio to the national scene to the airwaves, he shows the right's waning fortunes on multiple fronts as progressive religious groups find their voices. It's impossible to clip a fully representative excerpt from such a broad essay, but this passage hits many key notes:

In the meantime, Ohio Christians clearly voiced their preference for a candidate that shared all their values rather than a candidate running on a narrow divisive platform of opposing abortion and same-sex marriage. Blackwell was handily defeated by Ted Strickland, a Methodist minister who stumped as a “Golden Rule Democrat” and who, as a senator, insisted on paying for his own health coverage as long as his constituents were not covered. According to the 2006 NEP exit polls, Strickland gained fourteen points among voters who attended religious services once per week or more, compared to support these voters gave Senator John Kerry in 2004. And voters, including a majority (fifty-one percent) of weekly church attenders, overwhelmingly supported a long-overdue ballot measure to increase the minimum wage.

Especially since 2006, I have been struck (and heartened) by the contrast in the energy, new ideas, and accomplishments among progressive religious groups and the flagging, tired efforts to trot out the same old lines among the religious right. Just two more examples hammer this point home. First, it is worth noting that the once-formidable Christian Coalition, founded in 1989, has virtually imploded. By 2006, its $26 million budget had shrunk to $1 million, and it was $2 million in debt; and its state chapters have been steadily folding or disassociating because the group has become so associated with a narrow, divisive agenda—an agenda of which Americans, including evangelical Americans, have grown weary.

Second, progressive religious voices have moved from being reactive to proactive. In 2004, progressives were on the defensive, having been largely caught off guard by the successful (and distorting) “values voter” campaign. Three of the largest groups on the religious right—the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC), Focus on the Family (FOF) and its associated Family Research Council (FRC)—jointly launched this strategy as the “I Vote Values” campaign on April 15, 2004. This coalition effort involved mirrored websites, with SBC hosting ivotevalues.com and FOF/FRC hosting ivotevalues.org. The fact that progressives are still fighting off the misleading stereotypes of “values voters” in the media is testimony to that effort’s relative success.

Well worth a full read.

May 16, 2008

Steven Waldman & Peter Wehner | Is America a Christian Nation?

Steven Waldman, of Beliefnet, and Peter Wehner, of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, discuss Waldman's new book: Founding Faith and other topics in religion and politics.

Issues discussed:

May 15, 2008

Culture Warhead?

As you've no doubt heard, California's Supreme Court overturned the state law banning same-sex marriage today. Culture Warriors have already swooped into action ginning up fear of this Grave Threat to Marriage, as was inevitable. What remains to be seen is how campaigns go about capitalizing on the ruling, and how religious constituencies respond.

Dan Gilgoff opines on the God-o-meter:

The [Federal Marriage] amendment has gone nowhere in the years since then [2004]. But supporting it and roughly a dozen similar state-level constitutional amendments became the rallying cry for Christian conservatives who played a huge role in Bush's reelection. The GOP's evangelical grassroots have been unwilling to play a similar role for McCain for a litany of reasons. Will McCain seize this moment to try to change all that, reverting more to a Karl Rove style get-out-the-base strategy, or will he stick to running a much more centrist campaign by hedging on support for a constitutional amendment? This is a moment of truth.

A bigger question is whether such a strategy would still work, or whether the issue has lost salience vis-a-vis common good issues among religious conservatives who turned out in opposition in 2004. Stay tuned. This is a moment of truth alright, as much for the voters as for the candidates.

Update: Via Glenn Greenwald, text of the court's ruling.

West Virginia Reveals Truth About Catholic Vote

Growing up a stone's throw (okay, 75 miles) from West Virginia, it was impossible to be unaware of its overwhelmingly caucasian, blue collar demographics. Being awake during the primaries, it is impossible to be unaware that Clinton does well among said demographic. Being possessed of a sliver of common sense, it was impossible to not foresee that she would trounce Obama in the Mountain State.

As is typical in a blowout, Clinton won big or gained ground in just about every category. The old, the young, educated, the uneducated, the rich, the poor, protestants...

...But not Catholics. Crazy, huh? Her 57-41 lead among them fell between her Indiana and North Carolina margins last week and lagged significantly behind her overall 67-26 thumping. This of course does not mean she has a Catholic problem. She's won Catholics in 9 of the 12 contests with exit polls since Super Tuesday, and she narrowly lost two of the other three. (Her greatest loss was by 8 points in Louisiana.)

It's all rather random, but the closest thing to a pattern is that Clinton has enjoyed her greatest Catholic advantages in large states with high percentages of Catholics. Most of Obama's strongest showings have been in smaller states with high Catholic density, such as 35-percent-Catholic Louisiana, 20-percent-Catholic Vermont and 22-percent Maryland. And states with small Catholic populations adhere to no pattern. Perhaps there is no Catholic vote after all.

May 14, 2008

Religion in the Primaries

Randall Balmer, Barnard College, and Jacques Berlinerblau, Georgetown University, share their expertise on the intersection of faith and politics in the United States, with specific reference to the current election cycle, moderated by Sondra Farganis, Director of the Wolfson Center for National Affairs.

May 13, 2008

Apology not Accepted

Pastor John Hagee has extended an olive branch to Catholics in the form of an apology letter addressed to Bill Donohue. Donohue--a lay person and self-appointed spokesman for the Catholic Church-- is likely to accept the apology and major media will report that Hagee's "Catholic problem" has been solved.

They shouldn't.

As a Catholic, I appreciate that Hagee took time to clarify his comments about my Church, but he didn't go far enough. Catholics talk a lot about forgiveness--we even have a pretty formalized process for it--and while I'm in no position to judge what's in Pastor Hagee's heart, his apology letter wouldn't fly in the confessional.

As a Catholic, I was taught that in order to receive forgiveness you have to 1) make a full confession and 2) mean it. Hagee's letter is unconvincing on both counts.

Absent from his apology was any sense of remorse for his appalling anti-gay and anti-Muslim statements. While the Catholic Church doesn't have a record of standing up for gay rights, it doesn't care much for hate speech or taking cheap shots at disadvantaged communities.

And while I'm doing my best to refrain from picking at the speck in Hagee's eye (Lord knows I have some planks in my own), I struggle with accepting Hagee's stated commitment to the "common good' and defending "the rights of the poor" as sincere.

For all his lip service to Catholic values, after watching this video -- in which, among other things, he says the unemployed can STARVE -- you'd be hard pressed to see how Hagee and Catholics share the same idea of the preferential option for the poor--a central component of Catholic Social Teaching.:

Hagee's letter might be good enough for Bill Donohue, a partisan operative who'll be more than happy to go back to attacking Democrats full-time, but it's not good enough for me.

While Catholics have been victims of bias and discrimination in the past, most contemporary anti-Catholic attacks (like Hagee's) tend to sound more nutty than truly threatening, so it was hard for me to get too worked up over Hagee's Reformation-era rants. Nonetheless, bigotry is bigotry.

While I pray for the grace to forgive John Hagee, I'll be thinking of my Muslim and GLBT brothers and sisters who still face the threat of violent hate-crimes and other discrimination every day.

They deserve an apology much more than me, and until they get one, this Catholic will still have a Hagee problem.

Hot Rod: A real pastor problem

At the Washington Monthly, Kevin Drum writes:

We have, of course, all gotten inured to this over the past few decades. Frothing at the mouth about Muslims and gays and baby killers and Hurricane Katrina just seems like normal stuff from crazy right-wing white preachers. But it's not normal. It's crazy, and John McCain used to agree that it was crazy. But now there's an election coming up, so he's delighted to cozy up with lunatics like Parsley and John Hagee.


A couple of weeks ago, here's McCain on the stage in Ohio:

"I am very honoured today to have one of the truly great leaders in America, a moral compass, a spiritual guide, Pastor Rod Parsley....I am very grateful you are here."

This from the great moral compass himself:
"I do not believe that our nation can truly fulfill its divine purpose until we understand our historical conflict with Islam....I know that this statement sounds extreme. But I am not shrinking back from its implications The fact is that...America was founded in part with the intention of seeing this false religion destroyed."

And here Kevin Drum nails it down:
This isn't just some dumb campaign gotcha, either. Unlike Jeremiah Wright's egocentric blatherings, which got truckloads of attention but don't, in the end, really matter, this does. That's why I chose to link to al Jazeera's report about McCain's appearance with Parsley in Cincinnati even though lots of other news outlets covered it too. One of the biggest foreign policy challenges Barack Obama will face if he wins in November is the fact that a very large number of Muslims believe that the United States is not merely fighting terrorism, but is engaged in a war against Islam. And why wouldn't they? Rod Parsley says so, and one of our presidential candidates is willing to get up on a stage, shake his hand, and call him a "moral compass."

May 12, 2008

Young, evangelical ... for social justice?

It looks like young, evangelical believers don't fit the MSM patterns of late.

Michael Dudley is the son of a preacher man.

He's a born-again Christian with two family members in the military. He grew up in the Bible Belt, where almost everyone he knew was Republican. But this fall, he's breaking a handful of stereotypes: He plans to vote for Democrat Barack Obama.

"I think a lot of Christians are having trouble getting behind everything the Republicans stand for," said Dudley, 20, a sophomore at Seattle Pacific University.

Dudley's disenchantment with the GOP isn't unique among young, devoutly Christian voters. According to a September 2007 survey by the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, 15 percent of white evangelicals between 18 and 29, a group traditionally a shoo-in for the GOP, say they no longer identify with the Republican Party. Older evangelicals are also questioning their traditional allegiance, but not at the same rate.

[snip]


Eugene Cho, a founder and lead pastor at Seattle's Quest Church, which caters to a predominantly under-35 crowd, urges young Christians to look beyond the two or three issues that have allowed Christians to be "manipulated by those that know the game or use it as their sole agenda."

"While the issue of abortion — the sanctity of life — must always be a hugely important issue, we must juxtapose that with other issues that are also very important," Cho wrote in his blog on faith and politics.

Polls have shown that young Christians aren't any less concerned about the "family values" issues that have traditionally driven Christians to the Republican camp. (In fact, a study by the Barna Group, an evangelical polling organization, shows young Christians are actually more conservative on abortion than their elders.) It's just that they're also concerned about issues such as social justice and immigration, issues traditionally associated with Democrats.

Judy Naegeli, 25, who works at a Christian philanthropy, says easy access to information about the world via social-networking sites, YouTube and blogs is the reason her generation is more concerned with social justice.

"It's changed our perspective. ... Each generation chooses their cause, and ours is AIDs in Africa, or poverty or social justice," she said.

Although there are exceptions, most of the students I know at Fuller Theological Seminary talk this way as well.

May 09, 2008

Video | Evangelical Manifesto Leaders Speak

Os Guiness, author and social critic, explains the origin and raison d'etre of the Evangelical Manifesto.

The chairman of Christianity Today International, John Huffman, discusses the meanings of "evangelical."

Richard Mouw, president of Fuller Theological Seminary, critiques that recent past history of evangelicals for "perpetuating a kind of warfare mentality."

Christianity Editor, David Neff, explains that any societal engagement must be subservient to the gospel of Jesus Christ.

May 08, 2008

Evangelical Manifesto

I haven't had a chance to read the Evangelical Manifesto yet; in case you haven't either, here it is.

FPL intern-extraordinaire Nick went to the National Press Club unveiling yesterday and will weigh in this afternoon about his impression of the event.

May 07, 2008

Ana Marie Cox: Cosmo vs. Pop Evangelicals

At Swampland, Ana Marie Cox reports from the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life. (Here with Bob Wright, she starts discussing it, before the video runs out.)

Here is her post: (I reproduced a few of her links, but you know where to get 'em).

Greetings from a dim conference room. Today's diversion from the beach was a presentation from Michael Lindsay in which he presented "eight myths about evangelicals." Lindsay is the author of "Faith in the Halls of Power," and had conducted some of academia's most thorough and sensitive research on evangelicalism. His "myths" are after the jump.

(This is an especially interesting set of statements in light of tomorrow's release of "An Evangelical Manifesto" at the National Press Club, which -- according to Lindsay -- seeks to clarify to the relationship of evangelicals to public life; specifically, to assert that politics is not the main locus of evangelicals' engagement with public life.)

DISCLAIMER: I'm presenting my notes from his presentation, not really commenting on them. I've tried to provide supplementary links where explanation seems helpful, but I don't necessarily hold these views myself or think of them as -- ahem -- canonical. I just thought readers might be interested in some of the latest academic research on this significant force in American culture, and politics. Think he's wrong? Pushback from the peanut gallery is welcome. (And I'll take them to Lindsay if clarification is needed and will, obviously, update if I -- or you -- find a problem in my own interpretation of his points.)

Evangelicals succeed because of conformity and unity. LINDSAY: Divisions about issues (such as globals warming) and priorities vary widely. He cited an example of how some churches have chosen to scale down pro-life activism -- which they fear might be fruitless in the short term -- and instead focus on eliminating or cracking down on pay-day lenders, an issue that is in their own backyards, that they can do something about, and that has just as strong a Biblical justification.

The 2004 election represents the pinnacle of evangelical political power. LINDSAY: In terms of lasting effect and ability to organize a wide coalition, the 1998 International Religious Freedom Act is a better example of the power that evangelicals wield.

There are king makers who can sway the entire movement. LINDSAY: The movement is full of strong personalities -- like James Dobson -- who have a national presence, but who cannot necessarily turn out people on the ground level. The strongest leaders are the pastors of major churches -- he cited Saddleback , Willow Creek and Redeemer as examples -- who can motivate people to real-world activism. "The movement has lots of strong leaders but weak national institutions."

The centers of evangelical power are where the national institutions are: Wheaton College, Colorado Springs, etc. LINDSAY: The centers of evangelical power are where all the other centers of power are for the rest of the culture: New York, Los Angeles, Washington, DC. What's more, these centers of power tend to culturally identify as "elite" just as much as they do "evangelical." Lindsay called them "cosmopolitan evangelicals" and said that they tend to reject the "signifiers" of "populist" evangelicals; he said that more than once in his interviews, a subject volunteered, without prompting, "I've never read those 'Left Behind' books," or "I would never hang a Thomas Kinkaide painting in my home." (He predicts that "the cosmopolitan evangelical will be the new face of evangelicalism in the coming years.")


The emergence of cosmopolitan elitists and younger evangelicals will lead to a political re-alignment. LINDSAY (arguing an interesting variation of Gerson's point from yesterday): Young evangelicals are center right, and they are among the MOST loyal Republicans. Bush's approval has fallen the least among this group. They will not compromise on abortion. And in the ways they've become more liberal, the Republican party as whole seems to be moving as well: young evangelicals AND young Republicans have embraced "faith-based environmentalism," and young evangelicals do not see same-sex civil unions as an assault on the culture. But rather than young evangelicals changing their affiliation to reflect these more traditionally "liberal" views, they will likely just change the party.

Evangelicals tend to be isolationist in their view of American aid to the world. LINDSAY: Evangelicals have done a "180" on world aid. They "love" USAID. This has to do with professionalization of missionary work: More people do missionary work for shorter periods of time, and global outreach has become central to the mission of major urban churches. Fully seven thousand of the members of Saddleback church have gone to do humanitarian volunteer work in Rwanda.

Church life drives political involvement, i.e., the more you go to church, the more politicalLY active you'll be. "Cosmopolitan evangelicals," who are the most politically active, have the lowest level of church involvement. Instead, they have high involvement in "para-church" institutions like Bible study groups and other kinds of fellowship. What's more, the notion that there is some organized movement among evangelicals to bring about the apocalypse through political involvement distorts the large majority of what politically active evangelical conservatives are interested. "MOST of the people that I've talked to couldn't even tell you the doctrinal theory of how to do that."


Politics is the main focus of their activism. LINDSAY: The largest, and most effective evangelical activist groups are focused on aid or cultural issues more than pushing specific political policies. WorldVision, which distributes the bulk of USAID's food donations, was his primary example.

Provocative stuff, and backed up by reams of data, but not without some logical and methodological holes. A smart review looks at some of them here.

Bridges Versus Gangplanks

The Family Research Council recently alleged that my speaking at Planned Parenthood's prayer breakfast casts doubt on FPL's work to bridge ideological divides and seek solutions on abortion.

In a Friday blog post, FRC's JP Duffy excerpted my recent remarks at a recent Pew Forum panel discussion, and asked rhetorically:

Butler should explain how working "closely" with Planned Parenthood helps achieve "common ground" to solve the "problem" of abortion.

This question suggests a misunderstanding of Faith In Public Life's track record of bringing together pro-choice and pro-life leaders to work on common ground approaches to abortion. At Planned Parenthood's prayer breakfast I urged pro-choice progressives to sit down with evangelicals and come up with ways to reduce abortions, and I highlighted abortion-reduction policies outlined in Come Let Us Reason Together: A Fresh Look at Shared Cultural Values Between Progressives and Evangelicals, published by the think tank Third Way. This follows our hard work to bring together progressives and pro-life evangelicals to launch Come Let Us Reason Together last year.

I also emphasized this approach to abortion reduction in my Pew Forum interview -- but FRC excluded these remarks from their excerpts of the discussion, altering my message in a misinformative way.

Finding common ground and making real progress on contentious issues such as abortion entails working with parties who disagree with each other, such as Planned Parenthood and conservative pro-life evangelicals, and I'm proud to facilitate that. We've seen where polarization, demonization and an unwillingness to communicate in good faith have gotten us -- nowhere. If the most strident ideologues wish to continue talking only to those who agree with them, they will stay stuck in old debates that solve nothing. Bridges anchored only to one side are not bridges at all -- they are gangplanks that culture warriors walk at their peril.

Below is the entirety of the passage FRC excerpted in their blog post. The parts they omitted are underlined.

Yeah, well, it is interesting you asked that. I am speaking at the Planned Parenthood prayer breakfast tomorrow. And we have worked very closely with some think-tanks in town – with Third Way and with Center for American Progress. Many of these groups are also very interested in connecting more strongly with faith communities. And I’d say there has been a resurgence in their interest, an intensification since 2004. So I think it is extremely important to build those bridges there. And that is one of the functions that Faith in Public Life plays – connecting people. We helped Third Way, for example, recently with exploring some common ground on the polarizing, hot button, below-the-belt issues with evangelicals. And we helped find evangelicals that would be interested in coming to that table. We helped put that group together, and helped foster that conversation. So there is a lot of matchmaking going on and building of bridges among the secular organizations....

Yeah, there has been some recent progress in that arena because it has been a point of tension. I mentioned earlier our work with Third Way. And they worked with leading evangelicals and progressives to outline a strategy for approaching the abortion issue which, interestingly enough, did not involve compromise. And they were very clear that they didn’t want a watered-down solution to the problem, nor did they want people having to compromise on their ideals. But what they did outline was the best practices proposed from both sides, from conservatives and liberals, that would reduce the need for abortion. And there’s a bill, like Chris said, on the table in Congress right now, the Ryan DeLauro Bill, which outlines many steps that these two communities can take together. Leading evangelicals like Joel Hunter, pastor of a mega-church in Florida, and David Gushee, who just wrote a book on the evangelical center, came together to help shape that agenda. And I think it outlines a way that these groups can move forward together on that issue.


--Rev. Jennifer Butler, Executive Director, Faith In Public Life

Interesting exit notes

North Carolina:

White protestant/"other Christians" skewed harder toward Clinton than did whites as a whole (67 percent to 61).

Speaking of "other Christians," 30 percent of voters identified themselves as such. We might could do a better job definiging our categories.

Obama continues to rock the Godless vote: he took "nones" 69/29.

He also did much better among Catholics here than he did in Penn (improved from 30 percent to 48). Lends some credence to what I saw as the suspect argument that there is no Catholic vote. Still not sure if that dog hunts, though.

Indiana

Here too, white protest/"other Christians" (45 percent of the population) went stronger for Clinton than did whites as a whole (62 percent to 60).

Church attendance wasn't much of an indicator: Obama won "more than weekly," "a few times a month," and "never." Clinton won "weekly" and "a few times a year."

Burma relief

Be on the lookout for religion and politics commentary today, but on a more urgent note here's some information on how to contribute to cyclone relief in Myanmar:

USAID's Web site lists resources for those wishing to assist in relief efforts, including tips on selecting a humanitarian organization and on the most effective way to contribute after a disaster.

For more information about humanitarian emergencies and making donations, visit The Center for International Disaster Informationor Reliefweb.

Several organizations are leading aid efforts for Burma, including the following:


The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs is assessing what kind of aid is most needed and how to distribute it. Click here to make a donation.


International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies is distributing drinking water, plastic tarps to cover roofs and blankets, and other relief supplies. They have launched an emergency appeal for $5.9 million to support their current efforts. Go to www.ifrc.org to make a donation.


World Vision, a Christian humanitarian organization, is distributing food, clean water, blankets, temporary shelter and cooksets. Contribute via www.worldvision.org.


UNICEF has field offices positioned throughout Burma. Go to unicefusa.org to donate and learn more about UNICEF's emergency response efforts for children in Burma.


Save the Children is distributing emergency relief supplies to children and families. Go to savethechildren.org to contribute to the Children's Emergency Fund.


International Medical Corps is working with local organizations in Indonesia to deploy an emergency response team to Burma. Make a donation through www.imcworldwide.org.


Americares is delivering medical and other humanitarian supplies to victims of the cyclone. Contribute via www.americares.org.

May 05, 2008

Religion and Progressive Politics in 2008

The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life invited Laura Olson, author of the forthcoming book with the working title, Generals Without an Army: The Protestant Left in American Politics; Jennifer Butler, author of Born Again: The Christian Right Globalized; and Chris Korzen, Executive Director of Catholics United, to discuss the issue.

A variety of religious voices have been prominent in the 2008 presidential campaign to date, and to the surprise of many observers, these voices include religious activists with liberal and progressive perspectives. They describe a growing movement focused on justice and the common good. Where did this movement come from, and how might it influence this year's election?

Participants:

  • Laura Olson, Political Science professor, Clemson University
  • Jennifer Butler, Executive Director, Faith in Public Life
  • Chris Korzen, Executive Director, Catholics United
Moderator:
  • John Green, Senior Fellow in Religion and American Politics, Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life

May 02, 2008

"Crossing the line"

Bob Allen reported today that Family Research Council veep Kenyn Cureton and Faith2Action found Janet Folger recently spoke on Folger's radio show about ivotevalues.org's efforts to push the limits of pastoral electioneering this year.

"The pastors need to speak more clearly about it," Cureton said. "I'll tell you that we are working with the Alliance Defense Fund on a series of sermons this fall for pastors to preach, so that they educate their people on the issues. We're going to be talking about the value of life, the value of family and the value of freedom--basically talking about abortion and stem-cell research and then also about the gay agenda and then finally about our Christian heritage and how it's being stripped from every corner of our society. And finally we're going to be doing a candidate-comparison message that is going to ask pastors to cross the line."

"Really?" a surprised-sounding Folger replied. "What do you mean cross the line? Are you going to be suggesting who they vote for?"

"Well we're going to go to pastors and say to them that we really believe that they need to challenge some of the thinking that we have going on in our society, which is that separation of church and state doctrine, that we really need to preach the Bible on these issues and apply them to the things that are going on in the culture today," Cureton said.
...

Folger indicated she hopes the ban, which has been in effect for 50 years, will eventually be overturned, but in the meantime she speculated about what might happen if large numbers of pastors would ignore it as a matter of civil disobedience.

"I think we can actually within the legal means explain here's where the candidates stand, here's what the Bible says and people can draw that conclusion," she said. "But we need to make sure that it's clear not only what the Bible says but where those candidates stand."

"It's interesting though," she said. "I wonder what would happen if a bunch of pastors decided they were going to cross the legal line until we get that glitch in the system fixed legally." As an analogy she described a protest in Colorado where 10,000 people lit up marijuana joints in public, while police did nothing to stop them.

That is what we call talking a big game.

May 01, 2008

Stop Politicizing Prayer

The National Day of Prayer has been hijacked, reports Jews on First.


What began in 1952 as President Truman's declaration of a National Prayer Day for all Americans is now excluding and dividing us on religious lines. The "Task Force" excludes Jews, Muslims, Hindus, Catholics and even mainline Christians from participation in the events it coordinates around the country. Many of those events are staged in government venues with elected officials, in a deliberate affront to the separation of church and state.

Jews on First has been promoting a campaign for a more inclusive National Day of Prayer.

The National Day of Prayer falls on May 1st this year, and in most parts of the country, there is a religious "litmus test" limiting participation to fundamentalist Christian evangelicals. Focus on the Family, the largest organization on the Christian Right, and groups allied with it control the occasion, calling themselves the National Day of Prayer Task Force and asserting that their website is the "National Day of Prayer Official Website."

The Christian Science Monitor noted this unbalanced national prayer problem.

In Columbus, Ohio, the clergy and lay leaders of We Believe Ohio – a diverse group working together on matters of faith and public policy – voted to communicate with the governor on this issue.

"What we're calling for is a press release [from the governor's office] that says in the future we need a more inclusive day of prayer," says the Rev. Tim Ahrens, senior pastor of First Congregational Church in Columbus.

"An inclusive day is essential across the country, but it's going to take a while to catch on," he says. "Like riding a wave to the beach, you may not catch the wave the first time, but we will eventually. We really should be about religious acceptance."

Learn More Here.

Religious Bloggers Campaign to Stop Torture

Over at Religious Dispatches, Pastor Dan writes:


Just after Easter this year, Americans were treated to the revelation that senior leaders of the Bush administration—later revealed to include the president himself—took part in meetings to approve “special interrogation” techniques to be used against terror suspects held by the CIA.

Now, they didn’t just approve those techniques: these leaders went into great detail about what would happen to the suspects. Over and over again, they talked about “whether [the suspects] would be slapped, pushed, deprived of sleep or subjected to simulated drowning, called waterboarding,” according to ABC News. "Waterboarding," it should be noted, was classified as torture by the U.S. after WWII when several Japanese soldiers were convicted of war crimes for taking part in the practice.

At least some of those present at the meetings knew they were wrong. No less a Christian than John Ashcroft wanted the White House to distance itself from its own policy, saying “History will not judge this kindly.” The news reports do not record any Cabinet members sharing his concerns.

The reaction to this rather startling news was a collective yawn. That the American government had knowingly and repeatedly approved policies that allowed interrogators to beat, humiliate, or degrade prisoners, to push them to the edge of psychosis, even to cause them to fear for their lives and the lives of their families, barely drew a ripple in the media. They were concerned with more important things, such as whether Barack Obama wore a flag lapel pin or why he ordered orange juice rather than coffee at a diner.

There was hardly a whisper from the churches and other religious institutions, either. Trapped like the rest of the nation in a seemingly endless loop of Good Fridays, they shrugged off the latest information and went about enjoying the spring like everybody else.

Ho hum, the nation (or at least its elites) seemed to be saying, The Bush people slapped the crap out of some terrorists. Oh, well. At least they didn’t crucify anybody.

Religious people do care about torture and they do care about barbarism at the highest levels of their government. We recognize that we are all created in God’s image and that torture destroys that image as it dehumanizes both the tortured and the torturer.

We recognize, moreover, that torture is incompatible with the American values of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Our nation has often aspired to use its moral authority as a beacon of freedom, justice and democracy around the world. But torture is corrosive to these values. It eats through our moral standing like acid, leaving us unable to fulfill our self-appointed mission.

It is unacceptable for the media to ignore this subject. It is unconscionable that our social discourse about “moral values” should proceed without discussion of the obligation to protect the dignity and bodies of prisoners, no matter how dangerous or loathsome the acts they are purported to have carried out. And, in most instances we must say "purported," as very few cases have been properly adjudicated.

We have been treated to a generation of conservative pastors and para-church ministry leaders blithely assure us that the only thing religious voters cared about were two particular hot-button social issues. This has never been the case, of course, and thankfully this supposed monopoly has begun to break up. But now more than ever it is urgent that media and political leaders hear that religious Americans oppose torture, before the Bush administration policies are written into conventional doctrine.

A group of religious bloggers has begun a program to do just that. We are calling on those who claim to represent people of faith to reject torture firmly and thoroughly, and to call on other leaders to do the same. We expect, furthermore, that torture be discussed whenever “values” are talked about in the public sphere.

It is time, it is past time, to move beyond the appalling silliness that has been the 2008 presidential campaign to talk about matters of real substance. That means challenging prominent representatives of the faith community to step up to the microphone and state the obvious truth: that torture is and never was compatible with any religious vision of the treatment of human beings, and that it is and never was compatible with American values.

It also means pushing the media to go beyond soundbite theology and simplistic questions to candidates about symbolism to ask the difficult, challenging questions about torture and its place in American life.

We can no longer afford to allow our religious and media elites to politely sidestep the question of torture. They have enabled it passively for long enough. Either they need to reject it, or they need to own it.